Works Title Sources " beyond haymarket? Silver Il capitalismo in un contesto ostile : faide, lotta di classe, migrazioni nella Calabria tra Otto e Novecento Chaos and governance in the modern world system. Selected Co-authors Saul, John S. Countries and Regions of Publication 14 View the list below for more details. Map View :. Low High.
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Lettera aperta al procuratore di Palermo dott. Francesco Messineo. Peter Gomez: La fabbrica del consenso. La pandemia come pretesto contro la scuola pubblica. Sinistra: lavori in corso. La follia di Narciso. No justice no peace. Leone Ginzburg, intellettuale antifascista. Didattica a distanza e fascismo, un paragone fuori luogo. Dalla pandemia alla transizione. Scenari per un cambiamento sociopolitico.
Il nuovo totalitarismo dell'oikocrazia. Verso gli scrutini a distanza: e molti incespicano sulla valutazione. I was born in Milan in On my mother's side, my family background was bourgeois. My grandfather, the son of Swiss immigrants to Italy, had risen from the ranks of the labour aristocracy to establish his own factories in the early twentieth century, manufacturing textile machinery and later, heating and air-conditioning equipment. My father was the son of a railway worker, born in Tuscany.
He came to Milan and got a job in my maternal grandfather's factory-in other words, he ended up marrying the boss's daughter. There were tensions, which eventually resulted in my father setting up his own business, in competition with his father-in-law.
Both shared anti-fascist sentiments, however, and that greatly influenced my early childhood, dominated as it was by the war: the Nazi occupation of Northern Italy after Rome's surrender in , the Resistance and the arrival of the Allied troops. My father died suddenly in a car accident, when I was The Economics Department was a neo-classical stronghold, untouched by Keynesianism of any kind, and no help at all with my father's business.
I finally realized I would have to close it down. I then spent two years on the shop-floor of one of my grandfather's firms, collecting data on the organization of the production process. The study convinced me that the elegant general-equilibrium models of neo-classical economics were irrelevant to an understanding of the production and distribution of incomes.
This became the basis of my dissertation. Then I was appointed as assistente volontario , or unpaid teaching assistant to my professor-in those days, the first rung on the ladder in Italian universities.
To earn my living I got a job with Unilever, as a trainee manager. How did it come about that you went to Africa in , to work in the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland? Why I went there was pretty straightforward. I learnt that British universities were actually paying people to teach and do research-unlike the position in Italy, where you had to serve for four or five years as an assistente volontario before there was any hope of a paid job.
In the early s the British were setting up universities throughout their former colonial empire, as colleges of British ones. The ucrn was a college of the University of London. I had put in for two positions, one in Rhodesia and one in Singapore. They called me for an interview in London and, because the ucrn was interested, they offered me the job as Lecturer in Economics.
So I went. It was a true intellectual rebirth. The mathematically modelled neo-classical tradition I'd been trained in had nothing to say about the processes I was observing in Rhodesia, or the realities of African life. At ucrn I worked alongside social anthropologists, particularly Clyde Mitchell, who was already doing work on network analysis, and Jaap Van Velsen, who was introducing situational analysis, later reconceptualized as extended case-study analysis.
I went to their seminars regularly and was greatly influenced by the two of them. Gradually, I abandoned abstract modelling for the concrete, empirically and historically grounded theory of social anthropology.
I began my long march from neo-classical economics to comparative-historical sociology. This was the context for your essay, 'The Political Economy of Rhodesia', which analysed the forms of capitalist class development there, and their specific contradictions-explaining the dynamics that led to the victory of the settlers' Rhodesian Front Party in , and to Smith's Unilateral Declaration of Independence in What was the initial impulse behind the essay, and what is its importance for you, looking back?
Here, and in 'Labour Supplies in Historical Perspective', I analysed the ways in which the full proletarianization of the Rhodesian peasantry created contradictions for capital accumulation-in fact, ended up producing more problems than advantages for the capitalist sector.
Fully proletarianized labour could be exploited only if it was paid a full living wage. Thus, instead of making it easier to exploit labour, proletarianization was actually making it more difficult, and often required the regime to become more repressive. Martin Legassick and Harold Wolpe, for example, maintained that South African Apartheid was primarily due to the fact that the regime had to become more repressive of the African labour force because it was fully proletarianized, and could no longer subsidize capital accumulation as it had done in the past.
The whole southern region of Africa-stretching from South Africa and Botswana through the former Rhodesias, Mozambique, Malawi, which was then Nyasaland, up to Kenya, as the north-east outpost-was characterized by mineral wealth, settler agriculture and extreme dispossession of the peasantry. It is very different from the rest of Africa, including the north. West African economies were essentially peasant-based. But the southern region-what Samir Amin called 'the Africa of the labour reserves'-was in many ways a paradigm of extreme peasant dispossession, and thus proletarianization.
Several of us were pointing out that this process of extreme dispossession was contradictory. Initially it created the conditions for the peasantry to subsidize capitalist agriculture, mining, manufacturing and so on. But increasingly it created difficulties in exploiting, mobilizing, controlling the proletariat that was being created. The work that we were doing then-my 'Labour Supplies in Historical Perspective', and related works by Legassick and Wolpe-established what came to be known as the Southern Africa Paradigm on the limits of proletarianization and dispossession.
Contrary to those who still identify capitalist development with proletarianization tout court -Robert Brenner, for example-the southern Africa experience showed that proletarianization, in and by itself, does not favour capitalist development-all kinds of other circumstances are required.
For Rhodesia, I identified three stages of proletarianization, only one of which was favourable to capitalist accumulation.
In the first stage, the peasants responded to rural capitalist development by supplying agricultural products, and would only supply labour in return for high wages. The whole area thus came to be characterized by a shortage of labour, because whenever capitalist agriculture or mining began developing, it created a demand for local produce which the African peasants were very quick to supply; they could participate in the money economy through the sale of produce rather than the sale of labour.
One aim of state support for settler agriculture was to create competition for the African peasants, so that they would be forced to supply labour rather than products. This led to a long-drawn-out process that went from partial proletarianization to full proletarianization; but, as already mentioned it was also a contradictory process.
The problem with the simple 'proletarianization as capitalist development' model is that it ignores not just the realities of southern Africa's settler capitalism but also many other cases, such as the United States itself, which was characterized by a totally different pattern-a combination of slavery, genocide of the native population and the immigration of surplus labour from Europe.
You were one of nine lecturers at ucrn arrested for political activities during the Smith government's July clampdown? You went to Dar es Salaam, which sounded then like a paradise of intellectual interactions, in many ways. Can you tell us about that period, and the collaborative work you did there with John Saul? It was a very exciting time, both intellectually and politically. When I got to Dar es Salaam in , Tanzania had only been independent for a few years.
Nyerere was advocating what he considered to be a form of African socialism. He managed to stay equidistant from both sides during the Sino-Soviet split, and maintained very good relations with the Scandinavians. Dar es Salaam became the outpost of all the exiled national liberation movements of southern Africa-from the Portuguese colonies, Rhodesia and South Africa. I spent three years at the University there, and met all kinds of people: activists from the Black Power movement in the us, as well as scholars and intellectuals like Immanuel Wallerstein, David Apter, Walter Rodney, Roger Murray, Sol Picciotto, Catherine Hoskins, Jim Mellon, who later was one of the founders of the Weathermen, Luisa Passerini, who was doing research on Frelimo, and many others; including, of course, John Saul.
At Dar es Salaam, working with John, I shifted my research interests from labour supplies to the issue of national liberation movements and the new regimes that were emerging out of decolonization. We were both sceptical about the capacity of these regimes to emancipate themselves from what was just starting to be called neocolonialism, and actually deliver on their promises of economic development.
But there was also a difference between us, which I think has persisted until today, in that I was far less upset by this than John was. For me, these movements were national liberation movements; they were not in any way socialist movements, even when they embraced the rhetoric of socialism.
They were populist regimes, and therefore I didn't expect much beyond national liberation, which we both saw as very important in itself. But whether there were possibilities for political developments beyond this is something that John and I still quarrel about to this day, good-humouredly, whenever we meet.
But the essays we wrote together were the critique that we agreed upon. When you came back to Europe, you found a very different world to the one you'd left six years before? I came back to Italy in , and I was immediately plunged into two situations. One was at the University of Trento, where I had been offered a lectureship.
Trento was the main centre of student militancy, and the only university in Italy that gave doctorates in Sociology at the time. My appointment was sponsored by the organizing committee of the university, which consisted of the Christian Democrat Nino Andreatta, the liberal socialist Norberto Bobbio, and Francesco Alberoni; it was part of an attempt to tame the student movement through hiring a radical.
In the first seminar I gave, I only had four or five students; but in the fall semester, after my book on Africa came out in the summer of , I had almost 1, students trying to get into the classroom. It even split Lotta Continua: the Boato faction wanted students to come to the class, to hear a radical critique of development theories, whereas the Rostagno faction was trying to disrupt the lectures by throwing stones at the classroom from the courtyard.
The second situation was in Turin, via Luisa Passerini, who was a prominent propagator of the Situationists' writings, and therefore had a big influence on many of the cadres of Lotta Continua who were picking up on Situationism.
I was commuting from Trento to Turin, via Milan-from the centre of the student movement to the centre of the workers' movement. I felt attracted and at the same time bothered by some aspects of this movement-particularly its rejection of 'politics'.
At some of the assemblies, very militant workers would stand up and say, 'Enough of politics! Politics is dragging us in the wrong direction. We need unity. The reaction against the pci unions became a reaction against all trade unions. Groups like Potere Operaio and Lotta Continua established themselves as alternatives, both to the unions and to the mass parties.
With Romano Madera, who was then a student, but also a political cadre and a Gramscian-a rarity in the extra-parliamentary left-we began to develop the idea of finding a Gramscian strategy to relate to the movement.
That's where the idea of autonomia -of the intellectual autonomy of the working class-first emerged. The creation of this concept is now generally attributed to Antonio Negri. But in fact it originated in the interpretation of Gramsci that we developed in the early s, in the Gruppo Gramsci co-founded by Madera, Passerini and myself. We saw our main contribution to the movement not as providing a substitute for the unions, or for the parties, but as students and intellectuals who were involved in helping the workers' vanguards to develop their own autonomy- autonomia operaia -through an understanding of the broader processes, both national and global, in which their struggles were taking place.
Adam Smith non abita a Pechino. Ma in Slovenia si.
Adam Smith non abita a Pechino. Ma in Slovenia si. Find this Pin and more on Cultura by Sergio Mauri. Continental Philosophy. Film Theory.
SOAS Research Online
In the late eighteenth century, the political economist Adam Smith predicted an eventual equalization of power between the West and the territories it had conquered. In this magisterial new work, Giovanni Arrighi shows how China's extraordinary rise invites us to reassess radically the conventional reading of The Wealth of Nations. China may soon become again the kind of noncapitalist market economy that Smith described, an event that will reconfigure world trade and the global balance of power. Together they constitute a stunning work of world history with theoretical and political intent whose intellectual roots lie in a mix of radical historiographical traditions.
ADAM SMITH A PECHINO. GENEALOGIE DEL VENTUNESIMO SECOLO